Words, words, words

Therefore, since brevity is the soul of wit, and tediousness the limbs and outward flourishes, I will be brief.

Perspectives of Slavery in the First Great Awakening

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I realised that I don’t actually have a single actual history essay on this blog, so here’s one I’m procrastinating with by re-editing/re-thinking.

It was written for a 2nd year Atlantic history course, and there are holes in it (as there are in anything written for a uni course, especially where word counts are involved). After feedback, I’m thinking about adding a discussion regarding perspectives of spiritual equality/spiritual welfare in terms of slaves and slave-owners. Might also extend that final point about informal relationships and networks, since there are a lot of correspondences involved, especially if we widen the scope to include native Amerindians as well.

To what extent did the First Great Awakening achieve legitimate slave or black conversions and facilitate abolitionist discourse in colonial North America?

The First Great Awakening of the mid-eighteenth century saw the onset of a triangular interaction between missionaries, slave owners and black slaves that pivoted around evangelism. This essay traces the extent to which a religious revival facilitated ‘real’ relations between the three groups of people by examining each of their perspectives. Due to the number of letters, journals and sermons available, this essay focuses on correspondences of particular figures of the time, all of whom were Christians adopting varying degrees of anti or pro-slavery stances. To this end this essay examines the positions taken by the missionaries George Whitefield, Jonathan Edwards and Samuel Hopkins, the slave-holders Hugh and Jonathan Bryan, and various contemporaneously well-known (freed) slaves including Phillis Wheatley, Jupiter Hammon and Olaudah Equiano. While the religious revival did sow the seeds for greater co-operation between missionaries and slave-societies in their shared religious convictions and increasing black literacy, this essay argues that the conversion of slaves was by no means wholesale, and that barring a handful of exceptions, abolitionist discourse was close to non-existent in the context of the First Great Awakening.

The radical spiritual expressiveness of the Great Awakening meant that from its very roots, it tended to target and affect marginal groups. The First Great Awakening was established by crossing denominational lines and subsequently found its target demographic metaphorically and literally on the roadsides. From the very beginning, the movement was founded on sentiments that stood in opposition to the conservatism of the Anglican Church. Alan Taylor writes that the evangelical Tennent brothers “crossed denominational lines to cooperate in the face of opposition from more conservative ministers in their own churches”[1]. In the 1730’s, George Whitefield drew “immense crowds too large for churches and consisting of people uncomfortable in them”[2]. Revivalist preachers were itinerants who constantly moved from town to town, spreading the gospel. Sermons like Benjamin Colman’s Souls flying to Jesus Christ roused physical, emotional expressions of spiritualism and faith that stood in stark contrast to the stifled religiosity in the earlier part of the 1730’s, saying:

“We may not be ashamed of the Name of Christ, nor cover our Profession, nor fear to express a Zeal for his Cause, Interest and Glory… There shou’d be a Faith, Love and Zeal, that shall carry us above Temptations, Difficulties and Oppositions!”[3].

The zeal with which revivalist evangelicals like Colman and Whitefield preached was noted by blacks and whites alike. Olaudah Equiano, a young, free, black man noted that Whitefield was:

“sweating as much as I ever did while in slavery on Montserrat-beach… I had never seen divines exert themselves in this manner before”[4].

Such a physical and emotional expression of faith exhibited by the itinerants and encouraged amongst their congregations drew large crowds from society’s margins, but also alienated the conservative, rational ministers. This antagonism is evident in a testimony by Harvard College in 1744, which protested that Whitefield was:

“an Enthusiast, a censorious, uncharitable Person, and a Deluder of the People… that acts, either according to Dreams, or some sudden Impulses and Impressions upon his Mind, which he fondly imagines to be from the Spirit of God… tho’ he hath no Proof that such Persuasions or Impressions are from the holy Spirit”[5].

It is not surprising then, that several decades after Whitefield’s tour of America, there was a split between the ‘Old Lights’, who were more conservative, often elderly, rationalists, and the revivalist ‘New Lights’. Taylor states that “Whitefield’s controversial tour and its divisive aftermath manifested the latent rupture between rationalists and evangelicals”[6], of whom the evangelicals “sought to include every person in conversion, regardless of gender, race, and status”[7]. However, by no means did this inclusiveness translate into an abolitionist position regarding slavery.

White evangelicals almost unilaterally refrained from condemning the existence of slavery, though many did call for a reduction of the slave trade, or at least the improvement of their treatment. Thomas Kidd observes that “a potentially subversive message of spiritual equality was preached by whites who at least cooperated with, if not shared in, the institution of slavery”[8]. Jonathan Edwards, whose A Faithful Narrative (1738) was the catalyst for Whitefield’s mission, had “privately criticized the slave trade because it seemed to block the way for Africa to be Christianized, but he did not apply that analysis to American domestic slavery”[9]. Whitefield, too had chastised the mistreatment of slaves in A Letter to the Inhabitants of Maryland, Virginia, North and South Carolina, saying:

“my Blood has frequently almost run cold within me, to consider how many of your Slaves had neither convenient Food to eat, nor proper Raiment to put on… will [God] not take Care of the Negroes also? Undoubtedly he will – go to now, Ye rich Men, weep and howl for your Miseries that shall come upon you!”[10].

Despite their criticisms of the Atlantic slave trade and the mistreatment of slaves, Whitefield and Edwards were both slave-owners. Edwards had routinely bought household slaves, the first record of which dates to 1731[11], while Whitefield “came to own a South Carolina plantation worked by slaves” and “pushed for the legalization of slavery in Georgia” in the 1750’s[12]. Evidently, Whitefield and Edwards saw no contradiction between the keeping of their slaves and the liberty in Christ of which they so passionately professed. While such a view may seem paradoxical, it must be acknowledged that Edwards treated his slaves well, largely as extensions of his household, and both evangelists firmly believed “that blacks and Native Americans would gain full equality with Europeans in the millennial church”[13]. This position, however, seems moderate in contrast to that held by Samuel Hopkins, a disciple of Edwards.

Samuel Hopkins’s wholesale condemnation of slavery presents a position that is comparatively radically commendable when judged against other evangelicals like Whitefield and Edwards. Kidd argues that “despite the importance of slavery in Rhode Island’s economy, and proslavery sentiments even within Hopkin’s own congregations… he refused to see Christian liberty as only spiritual, but argued that liberty in Christ included this-worldly freedom” [14]. In his Dialogue Concerning the Slavery of the Africans, Hopkins implored slave owners:

“Do not say, ‘This is too great a sacrifice for us to make’; who will indemnify us, if we give up our servants? The sovereign owner of all things has promised you indemnity; yea, infinitely more”[15].

Hopkin’s position is interesting as an inversion of the rhetoric commonly aimed at black slaves. Instead of entreating slaves to wait for equality in the millennial church as Edwards did, Hopkins instead told slave owners to invest in their time in heaven and the ‘infinitely more’ riches available there. While Edwards and Whitefield likely turned to Pauline letters that called for slaves to obey their masters[16], here Hopkins refers to an Old Testament story where Amaziah, a wealthy man, was asked to forego the troops for which he had paid a hundred talents. In response to Amaziah’s reluctance to make a loss, God tells him that “the Lord can give you much more than that”[17]. Hopkin’s anti-slavery advocacy succeeded in passing a “modest 1774 law banning further slave importations” [18]. His inversion of Biblical arguments and his real (albeit limited) legislative achievement demonstrates that while slavery underlay much of the colony’s economy, missionaries were well placed to potentially drive change. The reluctance of evangelicals like Whitefield and Edwards to push antislavery agendas is thus perhaps a missed historical opportunity.

Despite failing, or having no desire, to instigate an abolitionist momentum, Whitefield’s influence did extend to some slave owners, such as Hugh and Jonathan Bryan in 1740[19]. Whitefield noted that “by my advice, [the brothers] resolved to begin a negro school” three days after Whitefield expressed that had he the resources, he would erect one in South Carolina[20]. The Bryans’ slaves often gathered in large numbers to be taught from the Bible. These frequent mass gatherings, catalysed by Hugh Bryan’s apparent prophecy that the people of Charleston would be “executed by the Negroes”, led to a paranoid perception of these meetings as “unlawful and dangerous Assemblies”[21]. David Lovejoy emphasises the perception of the Great Awakening as a subversive movement, pointing to the disruption of “peace and order” as slaves left their labor to attend sermons[22]. Harvey Jackson argues that Bryan was “never completely comfortable with the ‘sense of separateness’ that characterised evangelical culture”[23] in the Great Awakening and as such struggled to accept this negative public perception. According to Jackson, such reactions “revealed how the fear of slave rebellion permeated [South Carolinians’] thinking and dictated their response”[24]. Travis Gleeson adds that because “the Bryans were initially the sort of religiously minded masters that the [Society for the Propagation of the Gospel] aimed to encourage… their experiences illustrate how the Great Awakening altered the Atlantic world’s religious landscape”[25]. In contrast to Hopkin’s steadfast and unchanging stance on slavery, here we see forces of proslavery sentiment and paranoia regarding black rebellions push the Bryans to mediate their approach in evangelising to slaves. While Bryan’s slaves continued to be taught and numerous blacks became members of the church, the message that was spoken “called them to obedience – to God and to their masters. That was a message white Carolinians wanted preached”[26]. Nevertheless, it is clear that in these evangelical households, slaves were taught to read and write, and consequently gained advantageous skills in literacy and theology.

Black preachers and evangelists often came from white households that encouraged reading and writing. As a caveat, Kidd notes that such examples were “atypical”, in that masters who urged education was a rarity[27]. That said, Frank Lambert nevertheless criticised a purely oral history that portrayed black slaves “as passive auditors who were easily seduced by evangelists who ‘pretend to extraordinary inspiration’”[28]. Lambert argued that there exists “a much more active, intellectual effort by individuals who, as readers, not only consumed texts but produced their own meanings, often reaching conclusions very different from those intended”[29]. The history of literate slaves involved in theological hermeneutics, however, remains a very individual and biographical one, for although such occurrences did exist, they were undeniably rare and piecemeal.

Phillis Wheatley and Jupiter Hammon were examples of such individuals who became known for their poetry that resonated the teachings of scripture.  Hammon likely received his Christian instruction by attending Anglican services with his master, and was probably sent to a nearby religious school[30]. Phillis Wheatley was sold to the Wheatleys at aged seven or eight to serve Susanna Wheatley, who later became her patron when Phillis’ aptitude for writing became evident in the household[31]. Phillis saw her journey to America as a blessing, having been brought up in a comparatively kind household, and wrote a poem of her experiences in 1773:

“Twas mercy brought me from brought me from my Pagan land,
Taught my benighted soul to understand
That there’s a God, that there’s a Saviour too:
Once I redemption never sought nor knew.
Some view our sable race with scornful eye,
“Their colour is a diabolical die.”
Remember Christians, Negroes, black as Cain,
May be refrain’d, and join th’ angelic train.”[32].

Lambert argued that “at least in the first flush of their conversion, [Wheatley and Hammon] desired to put distance between their “heathen” African roots and their newfound Christian faith”[33]. While this is clear in Wheatley’s poem where she writes of being brought from her “Pagan land”, the second half of the poem seems to be a thinly veiled entreatment for the improved conditions and treatment of black slaves. In this poem, there are early traces of Wheatley’s conviction that the Christian doctrine allows for blacks to equally “join th’ angelic train”.

Similar hints of confliction are evident in Jupiter Hammon’s sermons and letters. In An Address to the Negroes in the State of New York, Hammon wrote that:

“Though for my own part I do not wish to be free, yet I should be glad, if others, especially the young negroes, were to be free… “[34].

Akin to Wheatley, here Hammon perceives that his fortunes improved as a slave, as it exposed him to salvation and he consequently did not wish for freedom. At the same time Hammon acknowledged that liberty was a legitimate and pressing cause for most slaves. The tension between religious conviction and moral conviction is again evident when he writes that:

“Now, whether it is right, and lawful, in the sight of God, for them to make slaves of us or not, I am certain that while we are slaves, it is our duty to obey our masters, in all their lawful commands.”[35].  

Hammon’s struggle with the issue is clear in his initial hesitancy in clarifying “whether it is right”, and it is evident from his use of plural first-person pronouns that Hammon identified himself with his fellow black men. Despite this, he also differentiated himself from the slave population of the colonies as a Christian who obeyed both Christ and his earthly master. In this manner, the First Great Awakening provided spiritual solace and religious identity for converted slaves who discovered a zeal for the gospel, but also perpetuated a doctrine of obedience, even amongst individual prolific black evangelicals.

As a contrast, the literacy facilitated by religious revivalism additionally allowed more direct means of emancipation and sowed the seeds for bolder and more transparent calls for abolition. Lambert argues that while reading was “the means for Grace” for Phillis Wheatley,  it “was the direct avenue of emancipation”[36] for Olaudah Equiano. For Equiano, reading made him a more valuable asset for his owner and it was his “proficiency in gathering and understanding market information that eventually earned his freedom by making substantial profits on commercial transactions”[37]. In his autobiography The Interesting Narrative of the Life of Olaudah Equiano, he recounts that by 1762:

“I thought now of nothing but being freed, and working for myself, and thereby getting money to enable me to get a good education; for I always had a great desire to be able at least to read and write”[38].

It is evident through this account that Equiano associated the literacy facilitated by religious revivalism with the possibilities of freedom. As with Wheatley and Hammon, however, Equiano’s circumstances were extraordinarily fortunate for a black slave, and he wrote that his master “always treated me with the greatest kindness”[39]. It is clear, pessimistically, that the primary requisite for literate Christian blacks who took the initiative to interpret the Bible for themselves was having a revivalist owner who encouraged religious education. For Equiano, this meant a highly unique and personal circumstance of purchasing freedom, while for Wheatley, literacy eventually enabled an advocacy for abolition that had much wider implications.

On the eve of the American Revolution and upon receiving her freedom, Phillis Wheatley wrote more boldly against the institution of slavery. While Wheatley had largely seemed to display a “passive acceptance of slavery”, Kidd writes that there is “one notable instance” where “she publicly protested against the institution”[40]. Wheatley wrote a letter to Samson Occom, an Indian minister who shared similar struggles in co-operating with white evangelicals, which was published in March 1774 in the Connecticut Gazette and in Universal Intelligencer. In it, she opined that:

”in every human breast, God has implanted a Principle, which we call Love of Freedom; it is impatient of Oppression, and Pants for Deliverance”[41].

Wheatley saw inherent contradictions between the maxims of the American Revolution and the religious scriptures she held so dearly, and the institution of slavery she experienced on a daily basis. This remains a single occasion of Wheatley’s boldness amongst a largely passive oeuvre. It did, however, sow the seeds for a more impactful abolitionist discourse to come in the nineteenth century. As an example, William Lloyd Garrison’ The Liberator published Wheatley’s poetry on a weekly basis from 1832, often with commentary such as:

“while it displays a want of education, and was written at hours stolen from the labors of slavery, and was the production of a mind weighed down by the shackles of servitude – [the poetry] stands almost at the head of the poetry in the age in which it was produced”[42].

Jennifer Rene Young argues that Wheatley’s poetry was included to “continue the abolitionist strategies of moral reasoning, sympathy, African intellect, and inalienable rights”[43]. While Young notes that the poems “did not have overt messages of abolition”, she concludes that “Garrison probably reprinted her poetry as evidence of African capabilities”[44]. The writings of literate black evangelicals thus did have some impact on later abolitionist causes, but it is clear that within the context of the First Great Awakening, actual occurrence of anti-slavery dialogues was a rarity and where they did arise they struggled to gain momentum.

Finally, it is worth noting that these sermons, letters and correspondences were indicative of the deepening (albeit still limited) relationships between missionary, slave and master. In his research of Proslavery Christianity in colonial Virginia, Charles Irons argues that “white Virginians could not be so responsive to black Virginians without cultivating personal relationships with them” and while racial prejudices subsisted, the Great Awakening nonetheless allowed for informal relationships “outside the context of coerced labor”[45]. It was precisely this personal element that the revivalist movement fostered, where white and black evangelicals worked together (though not without hurdles) and shared underlying religious convictions. Irons observes that “whites who gained access to the private lives of the enslaved witnessed scenes that shaped their subsequent ministries”[46], pointing to the example of minister Samuel Davies, who “repeatedly called for spiritual renewal”[47]. It was through cultivating personal relationships in the domestic sphere that Davies observed his household slaves’ capacity for literacy and biblical education, leading to his championing of slave literacy in the mid-eighteenth century[48]. Throughout the letters and records left behind by the evangelicals, there are numerous occasions of whites, blacks and native Americans crossing paths outside their normal socio-economic contexts. Wheatley, along with John Marrant and another slave named James Gronniasaw were sponsored by Selina Hastings, an English evangelical philanthropist and slaveholder[49]. Wheatley regularly corresponded with Samuel Hopkins and various other English evangelicals, as well as Samson Occom, who was in turn fast friends with Eleazar Wheelock, a white evangelical, until the 1770’s. What becomes evident in this is a network, however marginal, of cross-cultural relationships between white, black and Indian evangelicals, founded on shared religious convictions.

From its very onset, the First Great Awakening inspired an emotional and expressive reinvigoration of spiritualism that lent itself easily to marginal groups. While the revivalist evangelicalism was comparatively far more inclusive than previous bouts of pious religiosity, the First Great Awakening was far from a call for abolition. Both white and black evangelicals were hesitant to criticize the slave trade, and prominent founders of the movement such as Whitefield and Edwards were slave owners themselves. Where there were occurrences of anti-slavery discourse, they struggled to gain momentum, and institutional or legislative gains were negligible. The First Great Awakening chiefly primed the forces of abolitionist change to come in the nineteenth century by fostering personal and informal relationships between races and providing greater levels of literacy in the context of religious education. The records left behind by a network of cross-cultural evangelical missionaries provide the traces of historical continuity that anticipate the possibility of full equality, not in the millennial church, but in a tangible earthly freedom to come.

[1] Taylor, American Colonies: The Settling of North America. (New York: Penguin Books, 2002), 345.

[2] Ibid, 346.

[3] Benjamin Colman, [October 31, 1740], Souls flying to Jesus Christ pleasant and admirable to behold. A sermon preach’d to a very crowded Audience, at the opening an evening-lecture, in Brattle-Street, Boston, [London: MDCCXLI, 1741], Eighteenth Century Collections Online, Gale, National Library of Australia, Last accessed 9 June 2013, <http://find.galegroup.com.rp.nla.gov.au/ecco/infomark.do?&source=gale&prodId=ECCO&userGroupName=nla&tabID=T001&docId=CW119486480&type=multipage&contentSet=ECCOArticles&version=1.0&docLevel=FASCIMILE&gt;.

[4] Olaudah Equiano, The Interesting Narrative of the Life of Olaudah Equiano, or Gustavus Vassa, the African, Written by Himself, [March 24 1789], (Dodo Press, 2007), 97.

[5] ‘The Testimony of the President, Professors, Tutors and Hebrew Instructor of Harvard College in Cambridge Against the Reverend Mr. George Whitefield, and his Conduct’, [Boston, 1744], in Robert R. Mathieson, Critical Issues in American Religious History: A Reader, 2nd Revised Edition, (Waco: Baylor University Press, 2006), 103.

[6] Taylor, American Colonies, 351.

[7] Ibid, 354.

[8] Thomas S. Kidd, The Great Awakening, (New Haven & London: Yale University Press, 2007), 215.

[9] Ibid, 215.

[10] George Whitefield, ‘A Letter to the Inhabitants of Maryland, Virginia, North and South Carolina’, A Collection of Papers, [1740], 7, Eighteenth Century Collections Online, Gale, National Library of Australia, Last accessed 9 June 2013, <http://find.galegroup.com.rp.nla.gov.au/ecco/infomark.do?&source=gale&prodId=ECCO&userGroupName=nla&tabID=T001&docId=CB3326830433&type=multipage&contentSet=ECCOArticles&version=1.0&docLevel=FASCIMILE&gt;.

[11] Kenneth P. Minkema, ‘Jonathan Edwards; Defense of Slavery’, Massachusetts Historical Review, 4, Race & Slavery (2002), 24.

[12] Kidd, The Great Awakening, 217.

[13] Ibid.

[14] Ibid, 230.

[15] Samuel Hopkins, Dialogue Concerning the Slavery of the Africans, [1776], 60, Eighteenth Century Collections Online, Gale, National Library of Australia, Last accessed 9 June 2013, <http://find.galegroup.com.rp.nla.gov.au/ecco/infomark.do?&source=gale&prodId=ECCO&userGroupName=nla&tabID=T001&docId=CB130230620&type=multipage&contentSet=ECCOArticles&version=1.0&docLevel=FASCIMILE&gt;.

[16] Bible (New International) Ephesians 6:5-9; Colossians 3:22.

[17] Bible (New International) 2 Chronicles 25:9.

[18] Kidd, The Great Awakening, 230.

[19] Ibid, 217.

[20] George Whitefield [1740], quoted in Harvey H. Jackson, ‘Hugh Bryan and the Evangelical Movement in Colonial South Carolina’, The William and Mary Quarterly, Third Series, 43, no. 4, (October 1986), 605.

[21] Jackson, ‘Hugh Bryan and the Evangelical Movement’, 607.

[22] David S. Lovejoy, ‘The Great Awakening as Subversion and Conspiracy’, in Robert R. Mathieson, Critical Issues in American Religious History: A Reader, 2nd Revised Edition, (Waco: Baylor University Press, 2006), 113.

[23] Jackson, ‘Hugh Bryan and the Evangelical Movement’, 609.

[24] Ibid, 607.

[25] Travis Gleeson, Mastering Christianity, (New York: Oxford University Press, 2012), 125.

[26] Ibid, 613.

[27] Kidd, The Great Awakening, 220.

[28] Frank Lambert, ‘”I Saw the Book Talk”: Slave Readings of the First Great Awakening”, The Journal of African American History, 87, The Past Before Us, (Winter 2002), 12.

[29] Ibid, 13.

[30] Kidd, The Great Awakening, 222.

[31] Welfred Holmes, ‘Phillis Wheatley’, Negro History Bulletin, 6, no. 5, (February 1943), 117.

[32] Phillis Wheatley, ‘On being brought from Africa to America’, Poems on various subjects, religious and moral, [1773], 18, Eighteenth Century Collections Online, Gale, National Library of Australia, Last accessed 9 June 2013, <http://find.galegroup.com.rp.nla.gov.au/ecco/infomark.do?&source=gale&prodId=ECCO&userGroupName=nla&tabID=T001&docId=CW111593426&type=multipage&contentSet=ECCOArticles&version=1.0&docLevel=FASCIMILE&gt;.

[33] Lambert, ‘I Saw the Book Talk’, 20.

[34] Jupiter Hammon, ‘An Address to the Negroes in the State of New York’, in Lionel C. Bascom (ed.), Voices of the African-American Experience, (Westport: Greenwood Press, 2009), 34.

[35] Ibid, 31-32.

[36] Lambert, ‘I Saw the Book Talk’, 17.

[37] Ibid, 14.

[38] Equiano, The Interesting Narrative, 58.

[39] Ibid, 59.

[40] Kidd, The Great Awakening, 222-223.

[41] Phillis Wheatley to Samson Occom, [1774], quoted in Jennifer Rene Young, ‘Marketing a Sable Muse: Phillis Wheatley and the Antebellum Press’, in Eric D. Lamore and John C. Shields (eds.), New Essays on Phillis Wheatley, (Knoxville: The University of Tennessee Press, 2011), 214.

[42] The Liberator, commentary on Phillis Wheatley’s poetry in the ‘Literary’ section, [February 18, 1832], 28.

[43] Young, ‘Marketing a Sable Muse’, 228.

[44] Ibid, 228.

[45] Charles F. Irons, The Origins of Proslavery Christianity: White and Black Evangelicals in Colonial and Antebellum Virginia, (Chapel Hill: The University of North Carolina Press, 2008), 38.

[46] Ibid, 38.

[47] Ibid, 36.

[48] Ibid, 38.

[49] Kidd, The Great Awakening, 219.

Full Bibliography

Primary Sources and Collections

Bascom, Lionel C. (ed.). Voices of the African-American Experience. (Westport: Greenwood Publishing Group, 2009).

Eighteenth Century Collections Online. Gale. National Library of Australia. <http://www.nla.gov.au/app/eresources/item/162>. Last accessed 9 June 2013.

Equiano, Olaudah. The Interesting Narrative of the Life of Olaudah Equiano, or Gustavus Vassa, the African, Written by Himself. (Dodo Press, 2007).

Mathisen, Robert R.. Critical Issues in American Religious History: A Reader (2nd revised edition). (Waco: Baylor University Press, 2006).


Gleeson, Travis. Mastering Christianity: Missionary Anglicanism and Slavery in the Atlantic World. (New York: Oxford University Press, 2012).

Irons, Charles F.. The Origins of Proslavery Christianity: White and Black Evangelicals in Colonial and Antebellum Virginia. (Chapel Hill: The University of North Carolina Press, 2008).

Kidd, Thomas S.. The Great Awakening. (New Haven & London: Yale University Press, 2007).

Lamore, Eric D., and John C. Shields (eds.). New Essays on Phillis Wheatley. (Knoxville: The University of Tennessee Press, 2011).

Taylor, Alan. American Colonies: The Settling of North America. (New York: Penguin Books, 2002).

Journal Articles

Holmes, Welfred. ‘Phillis Wheatley’. Negro History Bulletin. 6, no. 5. (February 1943). 117.

Jackson, Harvey H.. ‘Hugh Bryan and the Evangelical Movement in Colonial South Carolina’. The William and Mary Quarterly. 43, no. 4. (Oct 1986). 594-614.

Lambert, Frank. ‘’I Saw the Book Talk’: Slave Readings of the First Great Awakening’. The Journal of Negro History. 77, no. 4. (1992). 185-198.

Minkema, Kenneth P.. ‘Jonathan Edwards’ Defense of Slavery’. Massachusetts Historical Review. 4. Race & Slavery (2002). 23-59.


Written by Elysia

September 30, 2013 at 11:08 pm

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